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PATRICK BUCHANAN, COMMENTATOR AND former presidential candidate,
looked over the issues on the political agenda in 2006 and liked
what he saw. It was a paleoconservative's delight. There was the
Dubai ports deal, rejected by a congressional uprising part
nationalistic, part isolationist. There's immigration, soon to
be debated on the Senate floor and always high on the paleocon
list of concerns. Excessive government spending, a worry of all
conservatives but especially paleocons, is a major topic this
year. And the intervention in Iraq and President Bush's crusade
for democracy face sharp criticism, with paleocons in the lead
among the critics. It's a paleo moment in America. "It's a
little bit late," Buchanan says. He'd rather it had occurred in
1992 or 1996, when he ran for the Republican presidential
nomination, or in 2000, when he ran as the Reform party
candidate. Chances are, the moment won't last. But it's a moment
that could be politically painful for the president and harmful
to Republicans in the midterm election in November. The paleocon
message is not an electoral winner--unless you believe voters
are eager to hear ideas that are gloomy, negative, defeatist,
isolationist, nativist, and protectionist.
Buchanan is the big dog among paleocons. His message, were he
to run again for president, he told me, would be: "Secure the
borders, stop exporting jobs, and bring the troops home" from
Iraq. I'm afraid many would interpret that message: Keep
Mexicans out, forget free markets and free trade, and shrink
America's role in the world. That's not an optimistic message.
It's not that these views are illegitimate. They're part--a
small part--of the broad conservative coalition in America. And
paleocons themselves are easily gathered under the big tent of
the Republican party. The problem comes when they influence the
party in ways that threaten the narrow Republican majority.
And they do this in several ways. One is to attack Bush on
issue after issue. This weakens the Republican base and,
potentially at least, reduces voter turnout. Republican voters
dismiss criticism by Democrats or the media, but they pay
attention when other Republicans zing Bush, or when they attack
congressional Republicans, for that matter.
A larger threat is the paleocon influence on one of the
touchiest issues, immigration. Here, their thinking is reflected
in the anti-immigrant rhetoric of some congressional
Republicans. And it is such thinking that imperils the gains
made by Republicans among Hispanic voters.
In the immigration bill passed by the House last December,
there was a distinct nativist streak. It calls for the raising
of a 700-mile fence along America's southwest border with Mexico
and for stepped-up border security in general. It was Buchanan
who popularized the fence idea, and now a Republican senator
intends to propose a fence along the entire border, from the
Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico.
How would such a fence play politically? Well, it's a
horrible symbol, one that clashes with the welcome mat laid out
by the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor. More important, it
says to Mexican-Americans: We don't want any more people like
you coming into our country.
The political problem is the effect all of this, including
the congressional debate itself, is likely to have on Hispanic
voters. They are a critical part of the Republican majority. In
fact, without them, there would be no Republican majority. Bush
lifted the percentage of Hispanics who voted Republican from 35
percent in 2000 to 44 percent in 2004.
Grover Norquist, the conservative activist and head of
Americans for Tax Reform, says holding Hispanic voters is
crucial. "I think the Republican party wins and runs the
country for the next 25 years if we are perceived as
pro-immigrant and respectful of immigrants," he says.
"The only way we lose majority status is to treat Hispanics the
way we treated Catholics in the 1880s."
So, if all goes well, the Republican party is on the way to
claiming a majority of Hispanics, the fastest growing voting
bloc in the country. A paleocon-inspired immigration bill would
jeopardize this. Democrats recognize this. Senator Hillary
Clinton of New York and other Democrats are already attacking
the House bill, saying it would create a police state focused on
Hispanics.
On the Dubai ports deal, paleocons were leading voices of
opposition. On Iraq and the campaign for democracy, they reject
Bush's optimism about rolling back the dictatorships of the
Middle East. Instead, they take the pessimistic view that the
Middle East is unchangeable, Arab culture being what it is.
Jump to the November election. What Republicans need more
than anything else is unity. They have it when Bush's poll
numbers are up. They don't when his approval rating tumbles--and
it drops all the more when Republicans are criticizing him. With
their issues unusually prominent this year, paleocons are likely
to be critical. And the mainstream media likes nothing more than
to play up conservatives who attack other conservatives.
As for Buchanan, he says he's "thought about" running for
president again in 2008. But he's overcome the "temptation" and
"probably" won't run. He's not impressed with the current field
of Republican presidential candidates. "The field is vanilla,"
he says. Which means there's no paleocon in the hunt.
Fred Barnes is executive editor of The Weekly Standard. |